• Closing Statement at the First SPS Congress

• Closing Statement at the Second SPS Congress

• Closing Statement at the Third SPS Congress

• Closing Statement at the Fourth SPS Congress  

• Address of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic, Chairman of the Socialist Party of Serbia to the Fifth Extraordinary Congress of the Party

Closing Statement at the First SPS Congress

July 16, 17 and 18, 1990

Slobodan Milošević - Chairman:

Comrades,

The crisis facing Yugoslavia, which is exposed to the pressure of conservative and disintegrating forces, as well as the presence of such forces in Serbia herself, have made it necessary and justified to bring together socialist, i.e. left-wing forces, ideas and people in order to preserve peace and secure progress and social development. Peace and economic and cultural progress, the fruits of which will be equally enjoyed by all citizens, are the essence of our new party’s commitment at this moment. Our longer-term commitment is to create a society without economic exploitation and without political hierarchy. Hence, the existing programme reflects both permanent and current concerns. For this reason it will be adjusted to the changes in our society and our present-day world. In other words, it is expected to provide answers, in tune with our lasting commitments, to the current economic, political and cultural conditions prevailing in our age and in the Yugoslav society.

I wish to say that we decided to translate the idea of pooling left-wing forces into practice deeply convinced that with its programme, organisation and personnel the new Party would contribute to a truly peaceful, just and successful development of our society. Having said this, I do not contest the objections that this decision was taken too fast or too slowly, that the explanations given for this unification were incorrect, nor many other objections and warnings concerning the programme, organisation, personnel and even the idea as a whole. A party which is from the very beginning unwilling to hear and take note of the opinions of well-meaning, educated and respectable people doesn’t have nor could have any future. It applies to our new Party in particular as it has to base its ideas and its activity on creativity, criticism, humaneness and determination which should be the qualities of our struggle for a free and just society and of its proponents.

If there is anything in our political behaviour and hitherto habits that we should get rid of, then it is certainly the narrow-mindedness and vindictiveness which often characterised socialist and communist leaderships when dealing with any opinion that was at variance with current policy and the activities of politicians in power.

This Party will be able to contribute to the progress of our society if it recognises the opinions and criticism voiced by workers, farmers and the intelligentsia, those voiced by our Universities of which many, like for instance the ideas of the University of Belgrade, have long been the most progressive, although the most critical part of our general public opinion. This Party will seek to promote and develop all progressive ideas which have emerged in the world, in our country and in Serbia, and all the achievements made by the workers’ movement in the development of socialism in the world and in Yugoslavia.

Today we also have the task to avoid all the phenomena that brought about the crisis and slowed down our social development: bureaucratic arbitrariness, equalisation of the state and the party, violence, economic inertia, cultural isolation, aggressive intolerance of a different political opinion, long-standing hostility towards educated people and the new blindness for the concerns of workers and farmers, inclination to nurture the personality cult at all levels, cruel political hierarchy and cowardice.

The Socialist Party will further build its identity on the demands of our modern age and the times to come. The idea of socialism and the practice of socialism came into being at a certain time which had its relevant economic, political, cultural and social characteristics. The time we are living in today differs both in economic, political, cultural and social terms. While we remain committed to a society without economic exploitation and other injustices, we have to build this new socialism in accordance with major changes taking place at this point of time, but also in tune with the future.

Impressive technological and economic development of a considerable part of mankind, expansion of political freedoms, major economic and political changes in the status of workers worldwide, availability of education and culture to the broad strata of the population, positive changes in the size and structure of leisure, increasingly developed economic, political and cultural ties between states, nations and people in general, the conspicuous role played by science in the development of society, etc. - all these facts have changed the face of our present-day international community and both mandate and facilitate the creation of a new, more just and affluent world.

This Party is about to catch up on this world, and here in Serbia, it is being established with the desire to make its republic an equal and creative part of that more affluent and just world. In this context, left-wing forces should not fear that this Party will get closer to the right, just as right-wing forces should not hope that this Party will distance itself from the left. No one, except the extreme conservatives can contest the ideas such as economic, social, cultural, national and racial equality, freedom and dignity of each man. And these are the ideals of all left-wing parties, regardless of the fact that they differ among themselves, primarily by ways of achieving these ideals.

Our Republic has been making major efforts to overcome the economic crisis, to improve the standards of living, to enhance economic development, to revive industrial activity and agriculture, to wisely use the means and know-how of our people working both here and abroad. Our Party is eager to see the fruits of this economic and social prosperity being used by all citizens.

It is not our objective solely to have an affluent society, but also a just society. Many affluent nations have a large number of poor people and disenfranchised or politically passive citizens. We wish to build a rich society in which each individual will have equal conditions to prosper, to be politically free and active, to educate himself, to travel extensively and safely, and of course, to live in peace. These are our commitments today as we establish the Socialist Party of Serbia. Peace, economic prosperity, a free man and equal people are the values which the Socialist Party of Serbia is today putting forward as its commitment before its people and the citizens of Serbia.

These are the values which we will constantly have in mind in further developing our programme, organisation and leadership. If the programme fails to express the concerns of its members, if the organisation proves inefficient, if the leaderships become bureaucratised, we shall change them. The only lasting thing should be our commitment to a better, free and just life of man.

Closing Statement at the Second SPS Congress

October 23 and 24, 1992

Chairman: Slobodan Milošević

Comrades,

The assertion of the permanent political commitments of our party which has characterised this Congress, as well as the fierce criticism of the weaknesses in the achievement of our objectives which have been in evidence in the past two years testify to the vitality of the Socialist Party of Serbia and its capability to respond to the challenges of our time and the difficulties we are facing. Both with its hitherto activity and with this Congress, this Party has shown that it has no other interests at heart, but those of its country and its people. This Party pursues its policy (applause) in the interest of peace, freedom, independence, economic and cultural development and cooperation on an equal footing with all those who respect these values and wish for such cooperation. Although the crisis we are facing is not only the result of developments in Serbia, but largely the consequence of international interests and the policy pursued in keeping with those interests, we here in Serbia are obliged to do our best in order to weather the crisis as soon as possible. I here have first of all in mind the sanctions and believe that before long the factors behind these sanctions will start explaining how and what mistakes they have made just as now they are trying to say that they were wrong to prematurely recognise the former Yugoslav republics as this triggered bloodshed and outbreak of war. But, as far as the need to alleviate the pressure of sanctions is concerned, we bear huge responsibility because we have to secure the operation of the economy and normal life for our citizens through our economic and social policy programme under these conditions. The Government has undertaken a number of measures to mitigate the difficulties facing the Republic and our citizens. One of the most important among these measures is the assistance to the Serbian people in the war-afflicted areas. As is well known, Serbia has shown maximum solidarity with the Serbian people in the war-torn areas and particularly with the refugees who have come to Serbia from those parts. This assistance has been invaluable and has encumbered to a considerable extent our country exposed to economic sanctions. We have consciously undertaken to shoulder this burden and have to do it to the end. At the same time, however, we must address the common plight of the Serbian people. For example, we must take steps to ensure that the largest possible number of refugees who have come to Serbia return to their homes, particularly those capable of giving assistance and joining the citizens who are already there.

Of course, stopping the war will be of greatest assistance to the Serbian people in war-torn areas, as well as in the resolution of their problems in general. This contribution, i.e. the contribution to halting the war and establishing durable and just peace must be made by Serbia in every possible manner. This means that the Socialist Party of Serbia, as the ruling party, through all the institutions of government administration should pursue a policy conducive to restoring peace in the areas of the former Yugoslavia where war is now waged and a policy of economic, social and cultural development which will facilitate life in the conditions of sanctions and enable rapid recovery after they are lifted. At the same time, while addressing these current and serious difficulties imposed from outside, which we have to face every day, the Socialist Party of Serbia must seek to uphold its principle commitments on a lasting basis. These commitments reflect the progressive ideas of workers and the socialist movement in Serbia and Yugoslavia, as well as the most progressive economic and political ideas of our modern world and left-wing movement. These commitments are based, of course, on all the positive achievements which have emancipated the individual and ensured progress of our society to date. The largest number of our members are ready to subscribe to such commitments of the Socialist Party and act in accordance with them. I think that the SPS leadership which we elected this evening should encourage this general feeling of our membership in its future work much more than before, not only because this is the prevailing feeling among our members, but also because left-wing ideas are progressive and in the interest of the majority in our society, because they have a future, because this is the road which modern civilisation has opted for.

I find it necessary to stress this particularly because in the past two years some SPS members showed an inclination to deviate from the Party programme. While I do not wish to analyse the reasons for all this, let me only say that some were principled and others quite the opposite. In the future it will be necessary to reduce such deviations to the minimum.

Occasionally, the Socialist Party or, to be more precise, certain leaderships and individuals within it, acted sycophantically towards the opposition parties and one could get the impression that they wanted to please and to appease them. This may be (applause) the remnant of our recent past when there existed only one party which, being the only one, wanted to rally and bring together mutually opposing ideas and people. In a multi-party system, however, the ruling party is always exposed to criticism on the part of the opposition. True, this criticism is probably somewhat more principled, less aggressive and more humane than is the case in this country, but such criticism is, all the same, unavoidable. This Party has no reason why to avoid or shirk from such criticism.

Therefore, it is not the task of the ruling party to make unprincipled concessions to opposition parties, nor to determine its programme, organisation and personnel policy according to the criteria set by its political adversaries. It should, instead, act in line with its own policy, seeking to make its activities serve the interests of the society, of all citizens and each individual. In my opinion, this should be the responsibility of both the party leadership and its members, and is of paramount importance for its unity. For, there are many opposition, civil parties on Serbia’s political scene. And whoever finds their political orientation close to his own opinions has no place in the Socialist Party of Serbia (applause).

I call on all delegates to this Congress, and on all party members to demonstrate unity and join forces to help us weather this crisis. Current statistics show that both as a Republic and as a people, we are fending for ourselves in the circumstances imposed from outside much better than expected by those who have imposed them in the first place. But, in our Party (applause), as well as in our people there is an additional strength to surmount difficulties, to defeat the enemy and overcome troubles. This is why major efforts in the future should bring us even closer together, encourage us, mobilise us to get out of isolation, preserve peace, avoid poverty, defeat hatred and chauvinism, secure life and work in peace for our citizens and good-quality education and a happier future for our children and youth. These are the tasks which the Socialist Party of Serbia has the ways and means to accomplish. These tasks will remain with us for several generations to come. But, since we are living in turbulent and unstable times, we have to carry out most of them by ourselves and we have to do it fast. Time is running out. The tasks are daunting. But, there are many of us who are willing to grapple with current problems, and if we remain united we shall win in the end (applause).

In the name of such commitments and beliefs, I greet once again all participants in this Congress. I wish you all better, peaceful and more prosperous days. On behalf of all of us elected to the bodies of the Socialist Party of Serbia, I wish to thank you for the trust you have placed in us. Thank you (applause).

Closing Statement at the Third SPS Congress

March 2, 1996

Slobodan Milošević:

Comrades,

Dear guests,

In the past few years Serbia has been living through difficult times. As her whole history was difficult it seemed to us that Serbia had already got used to them. Nevertheless, these difficult years have hit us hard. Namely, almost all of us believed, particularly after the Second World War, that a period of peace had set in, at least in this part of the world and, certainly, in Serbia. Regrettably, this was not to be. Behind us are several painful years of sanctions, refugeesm and war in our immediate neighbourhood. Serbia has assisted materially and morally all afflicted Serbs, those at war where a war was waged, those in peace who could not work, those in exile and those here and all this while she herself was under sanctions which, after all, had been imposed precisely as a consequence of this moral and material support to Serbs outside Serbia. This solidarity and sacrifices should be remembered for ever by the Serbian people, wherever they may be. Very rarely in history was a people faced with the need to show such solidarity and very rarely in history did a people succeed in doing so. This solidarity shown not only by the Serbian people, but also by all citizens of Serbia, is the lasting and most beautiful monument to their humaneness. And all those on whom this solidarity was showered should remember it as a message of kindness and a debt which one day they may be called upon to repay to a future generation. It is the memory of such messages of kindness and indebtedness that help both nations and people endure.

A new time is ahead of us in Serbia and in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. A peace treaty has been signed, sanctions have been suspended, refugees will slowly start returning to their homes. Serbia now should turn to progress, first of all, to its economic development. It is quite understandably very exhausted economically, but even in the course of these several difficult years it kept going as best as such grave circumstances permitted. It is quite justified to expect Serbia’s economy to recover rapidly. To that end, it should make use of all existing and state-of-the-art economic and technological know-how and in this endeavour bring together the largest possible number of citizens, experts, workers, peasants, intellectuals and young people. The same applies to cultural development. Over the decades our country enjoyed a high reputation world-wide in all fields of human endeavour, including sports. Now, it should renew its artistic, research and sports resources. Economic and cultural development should be our political programme, our step into the next century which will make it possible for us at its very beginning to live in peace, committed to development and turned to the future. It would be both reasonable and essential for all those who have this orientation at heart to join forces in the interest of the development of our Republic.

For a number of years the Socialist Party of Serbia has, as the ruling party and the biggest party in the country, borne most responsibility for Serbia’s future development. It is, therefore, bound to support and itself make a contribution to every progressive effort to bring together the material resources and spiritual forces in our society in the interest of peace, economic and cultural prosperity. In the past few years the Socialist Party of Serbia sought to do its utmost in the interest of our society, focusing on the position and future of the Serbian people not only in Serbia, but also in the space of the former Yugoslavia. Even now we have reason to believe that we acted correctly by opting for this policy. Nobody, however, should claim that there were no mistakes, nationalist outbursts, wrong personnel decisions, political disloyalty, moral corruption, wrong assessments. The problem does not lie in mistakes, they are made both by the society and by individuals. The problem with mistakes arises when we refuse to recognise them, and those which are not recognised as such cannot be removed. We had to face many of these mistakes even before the Congress; we identified some during its preparation. We shall continue by all means to deal with them responsibly and without much fuss in the future as well, not only for the benefit of the Socialist Party of Serbia, but for the benefit of Serbia, its citizens and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

Hence, I am confident that this Congress will represent a step which will bring us closer to the coming century, to better days, both for us and all those who long for peace and prosperity.

Comrades,

I wish every success and much happiness both to you and to your families.

Closing Statement at the Fourth SPS Congress

February 17, 2000

Slobodan Milošević:

Dear Delegates,

Distinguished guests,

This year marks the tenth anniversary of the establishment of the Socialist Party of Serbia.

Its establishement coincides with a the beginning of the decade in which the countries of Eastern Europe, a part of countries of Central Europe, and Euro-Asian region, where the Soviet Union was until recently, generally entered a major crisis. That has been manifested as a civilizational degradation of these societies and the break-up of all multinational States (Soviet Union, Chechoslovakia and Yugoslavia) and the emergence of several hotbeds of crisis in two of these three countries (Russia anad Yugoslavia).

Throughout that decade that has been marked by the ongoing crisis, the Socialist Party of Serbia from its very inception until today, did all it could preserve Serbia as a State. First of all, all the very beginning of the 90's, within the former Yugoslavia, and then in the process of its break-up, it sought to preserve it as a State community which, (together with Montenegro) was the initiator of the continuance of a third, smaller but nevertheless feasible Yugoslavia.

Those efforts of the Socialist Party of Serbia have produced results. Serbia has avoided a fratricidal war that raged in the other territories of the former Yugoslavia (in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina). It managed to preserve the unity of its territory and succeeded in having Yugoslavia survive as a state, albeit in a smaller territory, it is not only the Yugoslav state that has been preserved but the Yugoslav idea as well, which first half of the 20th century and that, despite the dramatic conflicts among the peoples that comprised the former Yugoslavia, perhaps not even today is at odds with the historical reasons for which it was established at the time, and thanks to which it existed for the whole century.

The Socialist Party of Serbia rightfully cinsiders that it is thanks to its efforts that in these years of fighting for the survival of Serbia, despite all outside pressures and all internal obstructions against it, it managed to maintain its economic and social stability ag a higher level than all other countries of the region which avoided the break-up of the State, major demographic disturbances, war and sanctions. Finally, the Socialist Party of Serbia considers that it is mostly thanks to its efforts that Serbia has extended huge material and moral assistance to Serbs who were caught up in the civil war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina with the peoples with whom they lived together until then. Not seeking to dwell on the genesis of these wars, which were fuelled from the outside and from the inside, the Socialist Party of Serbia has rightfully as the ruling party in Serbia for most part in the past decade, directly and through the institutions of the State in the Republic of Serbia, assisted the Serb people in the war and later in peace once it was established. In the war, to make it easier and shorter, in peace to make it more serene and more dignified. For their part, both the Socialist Party of Serbia and Serbia itself, in that period did their utmost. Whether those to whom the Socialist Party of Serbia and Serbia gave all that managed to make advantage of it or appreciate it in particular, is not the topic of this Congress, but it will be the topic of a new Serb historiy and ethics, on whose principles that history will be interpreted.

If the Socialist Party of Serbia and Serbia did all they could for the Serbs outside Serbia in war and peace-time in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, for the Serbs, who at the very beginning of the winds of war and througout, sought refuge in Serbia, the Socialist Party of Serbia and Serbia did more than they could.

That will be an outstanding topic for history and ethics. The Serbs who arrived in Serbia in the first half of the 90's from the territories engulfed by the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina were the only refugees in the world that have been treated as equal citizens in the country in which they found refuge - the citizens that have often been, as we all know full well, more equal than the citizens of Serbia. They have embarked upon a new life in Serbia with all advantages - employment, education and resolving housing needs. They even took part in the social and political life of Serbia. Every young person from those who found refuge in Serbia could enter University, convinced that with the sincere support of the society, teachers and fellow students he will be able to complete his studies successfully. The doors of schools in Serbia were open fully to refugee children. All those who came to Serbia were able to get jobs and social protection enabling them to avoid living as common refugees. Very often, the Serbs who came to Serbia from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina were given jobs that able-bodied and qualified citizens of Serbia could be envious of, but without any evil intentions. In addition, throughout Serbia for the whole decade now, a great number of comfortable and modern apartments have been built for refugees whereby for most part they are considered ligitimate residents of this country. That is the reason why only a small number of them leaves Serbia although a few years have elapsed since the end of the war in the territories which they left, and despite the fact that in the territory of the former Bosnia and Herzegovina, a Serb state has been established.

I am listing these facts and presenting these assessments because no time, including the present, will be spared subsequent falsifications which serve someone's interests and daily events.

We have no intention of renouncing any false move, but it should be noted that we have no intention either of renouncing impressive good results that this Party achieved for the Serb State, for all citizens living in it and the Serb people on the whole.

These positive results include, therefore, not only freedom and independence but an impressive upward development trend achived in the most precarious conditions, from the beginning of 1994. Later on, the lifting of the greatest part of the sanctions and reduction of obligations towards the Serbs outside Serbia after end of the war in Bosnia and Herzagovina, have eased the burden that Serbia carried until then, so that in 1997 bulding and creative activities were in the ascendant in general, while economic nad cultural ties were restored with all, even with the proponents on the sanctions and all other pressures.

Such a perspective of Serbia's recovery, and thereby of the new Yugoslavia, did not fit into the picture of the fate assigned to this part of the world. That picture envisaged a disintegrated society, degraded State, puppet goverment, disoriented people accepting the fact that the world is ruled by a single goverment, readiness to serve to that Govenment and even be happy by doing so. Such reincarnation of feudal inferiority, humbleness and backwardness could not pass in Serbia, not only because Serbia has a historical habit of not being subservient but because in terms of development and emancipation, it seems to have departed most, compared to all other European States, from the feudal medieval way of thinking.

The bill for such creative and emancipated response was delivered already a year later. Urgently the repression of more than million innocent Albanians by Serbs chauvinists and terrorists was concocted. The genocide against Albanians was invented as a pretext for genocide against the only disobedient European people, a rarely emancipated European people at that.

The Socialist Party of Serbia and the authorities in Serbia, comprising the Socialist Party of Serbia along with other parties of different political but the same patriotic orientation, did all they could so that the relations between the Serbs and Albanians and all others in Kosovo be set up in line with our experience - meaning, in a tolerant way - so that they did for centuries in the past - meaning, together and without subjugation from any part.

For no fault of our own, we have accepted to prove that we are not guilty. We have accepte, for, no reason, an outside meditiation to go to the side which has provoked the conflicts, to treat the representatives for that side as well-meaninig representatives of the internacional community, although we as all others in the world, knew perfectly well, that these are the representatives of an independent political will who usurped international rules of the game, harbouring ill - intentioned towards stubborn and disobedient Serbs. Had we, at many negotiations, from Belgrade to Rambouillet in 1998 and 1999 respectively, accepted the proposals of the so called international community regarding the relations between the Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, it would have been the same as though in the end of the 30 's and the beginning od 40's the Jews in Germany had accepted to have carried out genocide against the Germans in Germany.

This is how almost a three-month long daily bombing of Serbia was brought about. That was disgraceful and cruel war which 19 most developed countries of the present-day world waged against 10 million residents of Serbia with a view to destroying everything - people, country, the life itself.

The entire world is aware that in this war we have offered resistance ia all ways - by arms, media and morally. And that in all of the three ways we were superior. By arms, because not even the state-of-the-art weapons of the 20th century could overpower the resistance of little Serbia. By media, because despite the Goebbels-like censorship of the world media, a great part of the world still managed to see for itself heroic resistance of the Serb people and be carried away by it, and be horrified with evil retaliation of the most powerful countries in the world against the civilians in Serbia. In doing so, it seems that their preferred targets were hospitals, maternity hospitals included. The genocide the Serbs did not carry out against the Albanians was supposedly to be paid by newly born of yet unborn babies form the Belgrade maternity hospitals.

The textbook on Fascism is not completetd yet. The most convincing pages are yet to be written on the exterminating the Serbs. The erstwhile pogrom of Jews, communinst, Slavs and Gypsies, required a wide territory for retaliation. The forces were to be deployed from the North Sea to Morocco, from the British Isles to Ulan Bator. It required a log of arms, armies and time. In 1999, new Fascism focused on little Serbia, with a tendency of singling out several streets with maternity hospitals. Has anyone in the world - white, yellow of dark-skinned - failed to understand that message? I doubt it. That is why I believe in rebellion, resistance, protest. Because that message is not addressed only to one people that it will be exterminate, if it disobeys. The message in universal and it is addressed to all those who have the courage to rebel, to tnihk differently, to live as they themselves choose, to believe tha every nation in the world is equally worthy and improtant and that all have the same right to freedom and development..

I am not going to mention those countries and peoples that have already been defeated. Particularly not since those defeats are not final. As long as those nations are alive, like people, they have a chance to get up, to get angry, to stand up to tyranny and to conquer it.

But, let me mention those that still consider themselves free. Today, it is Serbia. But, Spain, France, Italy... and entire Europe, no matter how powerful it was before and how loyal it is now, will follow suit. Exactly because of its loyalty. Than the Middle and Far East. That magnificent continent. And others after that. And the entire world at last. This time, the crusade against the world will not be stopped by the Moscow winter, the lack of arms or unrealistic prospects - the obstacles over which all conquerors of the world stumbled over, from Attila the Hun to Hitler.

The only obstacle that can stand in the way of tihis crusade can be reason. The reason of the mankind, because this time mankind is the ultimate goal.

This Party and this country are sending a message to the mankind that it has the most powerful, so far unbeatable and honourable weapons at that - reason. the only weapons that can protect the world, human kind, not only from total colonisation that is the works but from the possible end that it will hardly be able to be avoided should it continue to embrace gullible hopes and tragic illusion that evil is something that happens to others and that they will be spared.

The bombing of Serbia was ended by agreement between the Yugoslav State and the representatives of the international community whereby the representatives of the United Nations were deployed in Kosovo with a view to reinstating peace, order and normal life for all those living there. Serbia accepted with faith that agreement and the guarantees of the United Nations. But there is no peace, even less order and no trace of normal life there. Albanian terrorism has been legalised and monitored by the UN representatives. Most of Serbs have left Kosovo with only few remaining to live there as living monuments reminding the world that it idly watches by the extermintion of one people, the people which is at the present moment the most courageous people in the world. Despite countless statements, protests, outrage and disapproval coming from the North and South, from the East and even from the West, the childred in Kosovska Mitrovica have no guarantees for life. For the time being, their guarantees for life ramain only their country and the people living in it.

There i no other way anyway.

That is why this shameful mission of the so called international community in Kosovo and Metohija which in all areas suffered a total fiasco, should be ended as soon as posible and the authorities of our country should be ended as soon as possible and the authorities of our fiasco, should resume full authority over that sovereign part of our territory.

On the other hand, we are fully capable of guaranteeing peace and security, freedom and equality to the citizens of Kosovo and Metohija without any outside assistance. The fact that this State throughout all the ten years of greatest crises and pressures, tha only one that fully maintained its multi-national character and has not discriminate against anyone, most convincingly and undoubtedly confirms that it is true.

Despite all the blows that Serbia suffered from the world, the sanctions and violence, turning the blind eye on the plight of its small and peace-loving people and expectations that the evil looming over it will somehow be resolved of its own accord, that the tyrants will get tired of tormenting the same victim and look for the other one elsewhere, namely, despite all those blows, Serbia and us living here, do not wish evil to anyone, we do not seek to repay this bloody debt to anyone and we still tend to believe, as Christians of leftists, who knows, that justice and good will prevail. But, our own experience as well as the experiences of others have taught us that the good and justice do not happen of their own accord, it takes enormous, and with the passage of time, increasingly organised efforts to defeat evil - hatred among nations and violence between them.

Even more so today, when danger of global violence is certain, what we need is an organised resistance to violence on a global scale. Small Serbia and people in it have demonstrated that resistance is possible. Applied at a broader level, it was organised primarily as a moral and political rebellion against tyranny, hegemony, monopolism, generating hatred, fear and new forms of violence and revenge against champions of freedom among nations and people, such a resistance would stop the escalation of modern time inquisition. Uranium bombs, computer manipulations, drug-addicted young assassins and bribed of blackmailed domestic thugs, promoted to the allies of the new world order, these are the instruments of inquisition which have surpassed, in ther cruelty and cynicism, all previous forms of revengeful violence committed against the mankind in the past.

Throughout its history, the mankind was faced with different dogmas - from common-sense stubborness, including religius, national, ideological, political, economic and professional dogmas. I do not know what new name could be given to this new dogma. Its danger lies in the fact that it is of planetary propotions, that it excludes all other dogmas and any other thought that is outside its own system of thought. Its essence is in the message addressed to all - you either live according to one rule or you do not live at all.

We, gathered here in this hall and from this country believe in the forces of resistance. And the power of reason. We are here for the time and people who have power, knowledge and courage to stand in the way by joining efforts to oppose hatred and violence against nations and people.

Favouring the idea that it is necessary to jointly resist evil, the Socialist Party of Serbia in its own country advocates that all proponents of progress come together. All political and patriotic task. Exposed to all pressures that can be applied to people by other people - outside physical, economic, financial, media, political, psychological and environmentar and faced, unfortunately. with the support of these pressures from the inside, Serbia has only one way to survive - that all its citizens, all tis people stay together, as they did at the height of the war. Because these vast pressures represent the continuation of the war, which shows its other equally ugly and hideous face.

Different ideas on the concept of the State and society that parties differ about should wait for better and more peaceful times.

At the moment, country defends itself from the evil looming over it and the left and the right should stand together, the religious ones and atheists, those educated and those who are not, the old and the young, those who did not get along well or love each other, those who did not talk to each other, those who think that they have forever and definitely parted ways. Those who have one thing in common - the love of their country. And that they feel obliged to defend it from the colonial status where foreign armies will march in, whose economy will be in the function of development of other countries, whose culture will be ruined, whose past will be wiped out and who will be ruled by those brided or blackmailed hoodlumns whom every nation has even at the best of times, but evil times is particular.

The Socialist Party of Serbia has offered an example in terms of uniting and linking patriotic parties and people by the idea on setting up both republican and federal governments in several mandates as the Government of National unity, composed of the representatives of several leftist and several rightist parties. It also gave an example by constantly seeking common language with all political factors in the country, even with those who were in this decade were more than its political adversaries. The Socialist Party of Serbia still considers that all war and other games should be forgotten in the face of the fact that the country is fighting a battle for freedom and independence, that it is in the period of reconstruction and that a period of further development and reforms lies ahead. Common language can be found with everybody, except with those who do not speak their mother language, the language of this people and this country, but the language of force which frightened them and disgraced them in order to put under the flag of their fear and subjugation, the entire unfreightened and upright people. The only unburied hatchets, figuratively speaking, will be those in the hands where their rich patrons placed them, obliging them to cut with those hatchets disobedient heads of a proud people. Those rich patrons do not mind at all spilling someone else s blood which we have been alble to see for ourselves last year. Why indeed should they continue to bloody their own hands when they have at their disposal domestic toadies and cowards willing to do their bloody job for them, loyally and cheaply.

Actually, we in Serbia do not have opposition. We have a group of bribed waklongs and blackmailed profiteers and thives, who take advantage of the times when a lot of people experience hardships, and use substantial financial resources funnelled from abroad, manipulate the substantial financial resources funnelled from abroad, manipulate the feelings and and needs of a certain number of people, often very young ones, not mentioning the reasons why it is so hard, lying that the difficulties cannot be overcome unless they bough their heads and backs before the force that subjugated the entire world, exept this tiny poor land between the Drina and the Timok, of no civilizational relevance, and the only thing we do is lose time to defend a lost cause. And representing themselves as the proponents of modern ideology from which the categories of freedom, independence and sovereignty have been excluded. All these values should, from their point of view, be placed int the museum of antiquities. Still, what they are not telling to their listeners is that the museum of antiquities where the nations should place their sovereignty, freedom and independence, was built by those who treasure their own sovereignty, freedom and independence as the highest values, among other things, by seeking to bury those belonging to others.

There are several big city centres on Serbia, incluidng Belgrade where the representatives of new colonialism, the proponents of interests of big powers - colonisers, are in power. I purposefully do not say that they belong to the right, because they do not have any political orientation. I do not say that they are opposition, as they often say here, because they are not. First of all, they are not opposition when they are in power. Secondly, the opposition can be a party or a group of parties whose concept opposes the concept of the ruling party concerning the organisation of economy, culture, society and State. So far those two concepts have not even encountered let alone been opposed to each other. The only thing that encountered and collided are patriotism and treason.

In the towns where the local goverments were set up as branch offices of some western Governments, those western Goverments that took part in the bombing of Serbia, because they failed to make the entire Serbia their branch office, the authorities in those towns are blamed of being incompetent to carry out their duties and of not caring for the daily lives of their citizens. And that is true. But, is is not the gratest sin of these local authorities that these cities no longer have public transport, or that it is too expensive, and that is is slowly dying as one of the key elements of the modren city life, or the fact that the streets have not been cleaned, that the building facades are pealing off, that the corruption is rampant and that city centres increasingly look, socially and spiritually, like derelict suburbs. Not underestimating the importance of the degenerative phenomena and processes, I want to say the truth - they have not done evil to this people because they became the present-day janissaries. Because of the fact that after several centuries again we hve local Turk converts. For those outside our country and those who are not familiar with our history, local Turk converts are the Serbs who during five centuries of slavery under the Turks. We believed tha janissaris and converst were definitely a thing of the past. Perhaps the restoration of slavery would restore the janissaries. You never know. But we were not expecting such a suprise. There is still not slavery, but janissaries are here. I doubt that the present day janissaries will hve the same fate as those in the past. Those from the past have chosen treason having suffered the hardships of slavery. This is not to justify janissaries, but it is at leas an explanation. For the new janissaries, there is not even an explanation. They hurried to kow-tow and kiss the nands of the conquerors who just conceived some designs concerning their home land.

This Congress which we are holding 10 years after the establishment of the Socialist Party of Serbia has a task not only to deal with the Party, but with the State which has been headed by this Party for a full decade. To evaluate the decade and to anticipate the moves it cinsiders are in the interest of the Party and the country.

As for the Party itself, for ten years now, it is the greatest and strongest political party in Serbia and Yugoslavia, and probably on the Balkan peninsula. This is a fact, but the mere identification of this fact is in bad taste and may sound boastful if it is not followed by adequate political and moral responsibility. In that respect, tha responsibility in the first place has to be related to the readiness, good will and particularly the consciousness of the Socialist Party of Serbia on the historical and extential need od bringing closer all leftist, progressive and patriotic parties and people as well as on the natural obligation that it be tha initiator of this gatherina, in view of its size and political weight.

As for our country, it has to survive on several parallel and complementary fronts. It has to fight for its freedom and idependence and stop fighting for them. It has to be reconstructed and developed in a quick, organize, modren and humanway. For such development concept we have the knowledge. For its realistion, we have the unity of the people, creative energy of educated, hard-working and young people of our country and a great wish to live in a free, peacful and progressive country, respecting all nations and all peace-loving and progressive people. And respecting ourselves. In the past, in the present and in the future.

I wish peace to our country.

I wish success to our Party in any good cause it espouses for ith country and its citizens.

I wish succes to our partiy in its efforts to strengthen the alliance among the leftists, to gather progressive people and preserve the unity of all patriotic forces in our country.

I wish to you, dear delegates, personal happiness and to your families, success in your professional life and party obligations you have assumed.

I wish that the new leadership of the Socialist Party of Serbia do their utmost, so that before the next Congress the Party may grow bigger and stronger, above all, for the sake of our country, but also for its own sake. 

The Fifth Extraordinary Congress 

Address of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic, Chairman of the Socialist Party of Serbia to the Fifth Extraordinary Congress of the Party

Belgrade, 25 November 2000

Comrades,

In the elements for the discussion of SPS members, in the preparation for this Congress, dramatic and highly unfavorable circumstances, internal and external, were pointed out marking the conditions in which the 2000 elections were held. At the same time, anyone in this hall is fully aware what kind of violence and lawlessness prevailed after the 5 October coup – setting on fire the Federal Parliament and the national TV. The background of these events and the continuation of the occupation of Yugoslavia, which started several years ago, as was revealed in Rambouillet and during the last year’s war, will be something that both the contemporaries and the generations to come will discuss.

War against this country, is now a money war. We have large-scale corruption at works here. A lot of money is in circulation and great privileges are granted to those who should accept all that is against this country – loss of independence, separation of Montenegro, Kosovo and Vojvodina, humiliation and annihilation of the Serb people, handing the national heroes to the new Gestapo headquartered in The Hague. Thanks to that money, the media are in the hands of foreign intelligence services.

But the war against our country is also waged through intimidation. The SPS headquarters in Belgrade were burnt down, its leadership is threatened, they are being eavesdropped, blackmailed and falsely accused.

The biggest force in the defense of the State and national interests is the SPS and that is why is it now targeted for major attacks. Its ruin or at least destabilization is a priority task of the enemies of our State.

That task is being carried out in a perfidious manner, from the inside, seeking to pit as many people as possible against each other. But through direct and brutal pressures – sacking and humiliating people, the party officials are often pressured into leaving the party.

At the same time, there is an absurd – all those that defended the country and were in the country during the war, are now labeled as enemies, while those who fled, supported the bombing campaign and cooperated with the aggressors, are now playing the part of patriots and saviors of the country. Thieves are saying that honest people are thieves.

These difficult times require that all those who may take responsibility do so. That is why the SPS has to reinforce its unity and reaffirm itself as a major factor in the defense of the State and national interests.

Therefore, the SPS has nothing more important to do than close its ranks in defending this program, in defending the interests of citizens and the people. This is a task that this Congress has to perform.

At the Fourth Congress, we concluded that the country was threatened. Our primary task concerned the unity and the need to mobilize "all patriotic parties and people". I also emphasize "in this time this is a priority task for this country". It was also assessed then that:

"Now the country is defending itself from the evil that is hovering above and we should have the left and the right join forces, believers and atheists, highly educated and those who are not, the old and the young, those that did not get along and spoke to each other, those who think that they have forever and for better parted their ways. They all have one thing in common – the love of their country. And they feel an obligation to defend it from becoming a colony where foreign armies will march in, whose economy will be in the function of development of other countries’ development, whose culture will be done away with, whose past will be wiped out and whose leaders will be bribed or blackmailed swindlers that every nation has even when the going is good, particularly so when the going gets tough".

The idea of the Government of national unity was successfully realized for entire seven years.

The tragic fault of the entire patriotic block which is the main cause for the current crisis was its inability to preserve the unity.

The lack of unity within the patriotic block, which successfully cooperated in the Government of the national unity for years, was brought about only partially due to narrow-mindedness of our party leadership, to a lesser extent and to a more extent due to immoderate demands of the Radical Party. In any case, the weakness of the patriotic block expressed through its inability to preserve the unity, was the main cause. And then the pressures exerted on the party only to look for its negative traits, even when there are none, and it surely has less of those than all the others.

Speaking of narrow-mindedness, as our weakness that came to the fore before the elections, I would like to say that this is the weakness that we did not manage to get rid of either in the preparations for this extraordinary Congress. Due to that weakness, our list for the party leadership does not include young people, farmers or women to the extent it is necessary in the SPS, despite our statutory norms.

Comrades,

Only nine months ago, we held the regular Fourth Congress of our party. We advanced a concept of further development of our society on the whole, as well as in certain fields, particularly in the economy. Our party prepared well for a Congress conceived in such way, because we wanted to confront the party and the widest public with responses that related to the perspectives of the society, which almost for a decade faced huge outside pressures and coped with many internal difficulties and the consequences of such pressures. And then, only a few months before the Congress, the war NATO fought against Yugoslavia, mostly in the territory of Serbia, ended.

Now, the same as then, I consider that the Congress was an invaluable contribution to the future of our country, and above all that it provided the answers that concerned other countries and peoples with which we enter the 21^st century. These are not merely my assessments or the assessments of our party at the Fourth Congress of the Socialist Party of Serbia. Similar or identical assessments were made by many prominent international politicians and guests who attended the Congress and there were, as you know, the representatives from more than 100 parties from all over the world. Positive assessments of the Congress could be found in many international media, months later.

We have been, for many reasons, convinced that despite the difficulties that continued, primarily in the form of outside pressures, we are entering a period of renewal, reforms and development, hopeful that we shall find a common language with the international community, primarily with those democratic, progressive and human factors in the international community and start to shake off the pressure, blackmail and threats which for a decade have made our life difficult and tied our hands in terms of development, prosperity above all.

Immediately after the war, with great enthusiasm and great achievements we entered a period of the reconstruction of the country, rebuilding all that was destroyed in the war and we almost completed the reconstruction before the elections took place in September. Our public responded well to the reconstruction and its achievements, the international public followed it and where it commented it, the comments were very positive. How else could one comment a quick, successful and self-reliant reconstruction of the country ravaged by the war, without outside assistance and war reparations.

At the federal elections held in September, the Socialist Party of Serbia and its coalition partners – Yugoslav Left (JUL) and Socialist Peoples Party of Montenegro (SNP), could have won majority in Parliament. But, without its coalition partners, it could not win the majority in Parliament and it did not enter the Federal Government. It was the will of the SNP of Montenegro. In doing so, at the level of the Federal State, the Socialist Party of Serbia found itself in the role of opposition party. Among other things, we are having this Congress in order to prepare for the role of an opposition party in the Federal State and to assess the situation in the Federal State where we are opposition. But also to consolidate our party on the eve of the elections in Serbia.

The party that has for ten years been a ruling one, cannot possibly overnight, be it alone or with other parties, at the level of the Federal State or at the republican level, quickly and easily switch from the ruling to the opposition party.

Many parties in the world, particularly in Europe following a long or longer periods of rule had to adapt to the role of opposition. In this period, they usually lose members, but sometimes their old members returned after a while, there were tensions in the leadership which manifested through seeking justified or often unjustified responsibility, the changed or only considered that they had to change something, anything – program, name, leadership, structure of organization, approach to media, symbols ... believing that these changes would heal the wounds that the party suffered assuming the role of the opposition.

The countries with longer multi-party traditions have gained all these experiences long ago. They have not been followed attentively in our party, although I think that they have not been followed in other parties and our society on the whole, because since the Second World War until 1990, we lived in a different, one-party system. Now we need to learn about the experience of other parties in the world which faced a similar situation and take advantage of them to the extent they are good for us.

By all accounts, in such circumstances, the major tasks of any party

include establishing its identity, preserving its current identity but changing it somewhat or much, but insistence on the party’s identity is its major task. I think that in this respect, our party should maintain the concept of the development of society it embraced at its Fourth Congress in February, and to be an opposition from the point of view of that concept, to all that is taking place in the Yugoslav society now, to the extent it is contrary to our perception of the interests of the Yugoslav society.

As at the previous Congress, we shall continue to advocate the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a common State of two equal republics – Serbia and Montenegro. We shall therefore be against the so-called "community" of Serbia and Montenegro, as a state solution for these two republics.

As at the previous Congress, we shall advocate our positions on Kosovo, firmly believing that they are principled, genuine and just.

Of all the wounds we suffered, Kosovo is the most serious.

The former Yugoslavia started to die in Kosovo. Perhaps, in the beginning of 1980s, maybe 1970s or even 1960s, but surely in Kosovo.

Its independence and secession, fuelling of hatred between the Serb and Albanian people, ill-intentioned attempts at domination of one over the other, outside financial support, outside Yugoslavia, to trigger mutual conflicts – this is how the former Yugoslavia entered a tragic crisis.

But the same Kosovo story is the greatest wound of the present-day Yugoslavia. Outside factors did all they can so that the wound may never heal. These efforts resulted in fear that all living in Kosovo had to endure for years – Serbs and Albanians alike, in poverty engulfing all in Kosovo – Serbs and Albanians, in bombing that was killing all in Kosovo – Serbs and Albanians, in evil hovering over the heads of all children – Serb and Albanian.

One part of the international community blamed the Serbs and the authorities in Serbia for the alleged genocide against the Albanians. However, it is thanks to them, to that part of the international community, that genocide was committed against the Serbs. They have left Kosovo for most part. They are walking, as greatest European destitute, along the periphery of the territory where until recently their houses used to be and still are, the territory that used to be their native land and their centuries' old homeland. Those that remained, became the greatest martyrs and the greatest heroes of this century, and at this moment perhaps the greatest martyrs and greatest heroes in the entire world. In any case, the greatest patriots of all.

For more than a decade, the authorities in Serbia invested outstanding efforts to prove to the world, angry and unbelieving, that Kosovo is a part of Serbia. For themselves, it does not even have to be neither holy or the most important part. But we, the Serbs, have every right to see it like that if that is the case. It is up to us and no one else. The French have the Notre Dame and the Arch of Triumph, the Russians have the Kremlin and the Battle of Borodin, the Americans have their Empire State building, the Greeks have Acropolis and the Serbs have Gracanica, Gazimestan and the Patriarchate of Pec.

But the Albanians in Kosovo, even those that currently enjoy the support of some powers which resulted in the Serbs being expelled from Kosovo, not even them are living a happy life. Even those that are filled with hatred and violence cannot possibly choose to live with that hatred and violence. Particularly when that choice was not a result of their own will and emotions but for foreign interests. These interests use Albanians as an instrument to break-up yet another country and occupy yet another territory.

SPS is advocating a free Kosovo in free Serbia, a free Serbia in free Yugoslavia, free Yugoslavia in free Balkans, where all Balkan countries and their people should live in peace. SPS is advocating freedom for each country and all people in the world.

If such political platform is undemocratic and inhuman, than the membership of this party seeks that a text of democratic and human platform be read.

Comrades,

I dwelled on the issue of Kosovo and Metohija since I felt that the dramatic situation in Kosovo required that.

Now, let me continue to explain the SPS platform and the policies that it should lead on the basis of this platform in the current circumstances.

Therefore, as at the previous Congress will shall advocate the independence of Yugoslavia since that was a historical principle in line with which the people of Serbia and Montenegro functioned throughout their entire history. We shall also advocate the sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, not questioning the need to cooperate in all fields (economic, cultural, scientific, technological, political) with the entire world, with all countries, with all people on the basis of equality. The preservation of the sovereignty of one country and its cooperation with other countries are really possible only if among those countries there exist the relations of equality and basic mutual trust. That is why the Socialist Party of Serbia will be against those political, economic, national, cultural, technological and other concessions that the authorities of the FRY will make under the pretext of cooperation with the world, to the detriment of independence and sovereignty of the country.

When those concessions are made (which is already the case), they are impossible to see immediately, i.e. it is not possible to see that these are concessions, and that interests of the State and its citizens are at stake. Facing the consequences of these concessions is something that comes later, often when it is difficult to remove the consequences.

The Socialist Party of Serbia has been warning to that for an entire decade. The composition of the Federal Government has prevented the SPS from protecting the State and its citizens from the position of power from dangers posed to their livelihood, in the wake of these concessions. But as an opposition party in Yugoslavia it will do all it can so that the broad public, the entire people be warned on the dangers to its survival, particularly for sound and successful development of society in case this practice of limiting the sovereignty and questioning the independence of the country be continued.

Hence the first consequences of the policies pursued in this field by a new Government such as huge price increases, particularly of basic staples, food, shortage of electricity (which we had even in the most difficult period of the sanctions and the war when during night the were bombs dropped on electricity supply systems, but tomorrow, we had enough power supply in the entire territory of the Republic as well as during the entire time after the war until the moment when these affairs fell into the hands of new authorities), increases in the price of electricity, increases in the price of medicines making them unavailable to a great number of sick people, great and sudden unemployment. In short, the fall of living standards.

In that respect, unemployment is not only a consequence of wrongful economic policies, but it also has a political dimension. A large number of people was sacked exclusively on political grounds. In the 21st century in Europe it should be inadmissible that the authorities professionally degrade people of different political views. Sacking people with different political views is a practice linked to the darkest experiences of terror against people in the 20th century.

However, speaking of violence, it is not manifested only through sacking and professional and human degradation at workplace, but it is manifested as violent physical removal of people from executive positions to which they were appointed by Governments, assemblies, or where they were elected by managing boards; the property of people of different political views is seized as well as that of parties and lastly, this also included physical violence towards people who hold different political views.

At first glance it may look unnecessary, but it is essentially necessary to emphasize that the Socialist Party throughout all these ten long and difficult years fraught with all the evils in this world, hovering above our small country and small people, managed to preserve not only the country, and ensure a relatively decent life for its citizens, but also managed to ensure the functioning of all institutions on which the State relies, guaranteeing citizens personal and property security. Today, the functioning of these institutions is threatened. They are in the hands of the forces that do not recognize the Constitution, laws and often not even elementary moral norms. Hundreds of directors, university deans, rectors, directors of hospitals, presidents of managing boards are thrown out from their offices and sacked from their positions to which they were appointed by assemblies and governments, under the threat of various groups or sufficiently angry people in the face of which legally elected or legally appointed people had to give way - to take a sick leave, without being sick, early retirement, or to take a holiday they do not need or even become really sick... Most of these people are prominent experts, honorable citizens, often with long professional and life experience.

Committed to the democratic functioning of the State and democratic society, the Socialist Party of Serbia not only expresses it deep concern for the fate of its beliefs, but expresses its most profound concern for the respect of fundamental human and civil rights in conditions when such rights are not protected by the competent institutions, but unidentified force will do all it can to suspend those institutions.

So, when I said that one of the most important tasks of our party at the present time was to establish its identity, I thought, let me repeat, that SPS should remain committed to all those values its has been committed to since its very inception, throughout this turbulent decade - freedom, independence, economic prosperity, free cultural development, constant improvement of standards, integration with the rest of the world, cooperation on an equal footing with all nations and peoples. SPS should also remain committed to the vision of the development of society advanced at the Fourth Congress. In addition, it should add to its identity an obligation of critical evaluation of the reality, in an analytical, principled, public and argumented manner, the reality that is contrary to, today even absolutely contrary to the commitments of SPS and the documents from the party's Fourth Congress.

The second task of the SPS in the present circumstances is not only the preservation of the party network, but expansion of its structure and of course, an accurate evaluation of its membership. After the announcement of election results, as well as after setting up majority in the Assembly contrary to pre-election campaign promises, after setting up the Federal Government with one leftist party and one coalition of 18 political groupings of different political affiliations, the membership of the Socialist Party of Serbia reacted painfully, and there was even some commotion, justified confusion, disappointment ... This is all a normal reaction from political and human aspect. I think that the initial thrust of such reactions is over and that the membership in all local and municipal organizations for most part gathered around their program and their obligations under the program, preparing themselves for the republican elections scheduled a year ahead causing justified surprise of its membership and probably justified discontent of the membership. Of course, now that the elections were called, the SPS has to prepare for them. In conditions of the media blockade this will be difficult. However, even if there were no elections, our party has a second great and important obligation - to consolidate the membership and activate and expand the network with a view to presenting the reality as it is and for the umpteenth time in a new and old and any way, say where the reality is leading the society and the citizens. If it is not to be changed.

The current analysis of political situation in the country will not be faced with a difficult task if they should seek to identify the radical changes that the political elite in this country has gone through in this country. A decade ago, it was not the easiest job to find documents indicating who was a member of the Crown Council from 1992 and euphorically wrote on socialist self-management as a necessary outcome in 1976. Such research efforts should now be very easy to undertake. In the course of one autumn alone, the same persons spoke volumes of the resistance to NATO aggression, while only a few days after the coup they supported European social-democracy whose governments, as is well-known, took part in NATO aggression. Not to mention those fierce national freedom-fighters of the Serbian people from early 1990s who now renounce their participation in that struggle, claiming that this national story is overtaken and now they see themselves as citizens of Europe.

Difficult times exist, among other things, so that a man may prove his worth - whether in difficult times he will remain with those with whom he was when the going was good or will they now join others so that they may again have a good and prosperous time. In politics, the same as in life, there are people who are ready to always move to places where it is nice and sunny, particularly where the authorities are. But in life, the same as in politics, there are others who see that and should speak about that, not on account of those who move towards the authorities but for the authorities themselves. Because all authorities wishing well to its people, have to beware of the candidates who want to be peoples representatives, who present themselves as candidates for any authorities, those who are essentially interested only in representing themselves.

I am appealing the delegates of this Congress, to all members of SPS, to all those that can hear or read my words: the interest of our country is to be free, independent, developed and integrated with the rest of the world. The interest of our citizens is to live in peace and freedom, not fearing for their life and property, so that all of them can work and live well and better from their work, to respect their history and have a better future.

The Socialist Party of Serbia has a task - to protect, represent and realize such interests of the country and its people.

It is therefore not important how big it will be but what it will look like. The greatest party is the best party.